Title 42 may be ending and the US immigration system isn’t ready.

Title 42 may be ending and the US immigration system isn’t ready.

Editor’s note, December 20, 2022: On Monday, Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts issued a stay on the executive branch’s plan to end Title 42. As Roberts considers whether to refer the matter to the full court, Title 42 will remain in effect.


Title 42, the pandemic-era protocol that prevented millions of migrants from entering the US to claim asylum, is slated to end on December 21. The policy, initially enacted under former President Donald Trump, allegedly to slow the inflow of coronavirus into the US, has become a a tool for Republicans to continue imposing immigration restrictions.

Title 42 is a public health authority, not an immigration policy; however, Republican-led states have been trying to keep it in place due to its effectiveness in curbing immigration, particularly at the southern border. The end of the policy, nearly three years after it was implemented in March of 2020, will mean an influx of people that the government isn’t well-equipped to serve, as well as a reignited debate over how to deal with the nation’s broken immigration policy.

President Joe Biden’s administration tried to end the policy this past April, but a Louisiana judge ruled in May that proper administrative protocol must be followed to formally lift the program. Republican-led states again tried to intervene via the courts in an attempt to keep it in place, but a federal appeals court ruled Friday the policy must end Wednesday. There is still the possibility that the Supreme Court will intervene before then, as those GOP-led states indicated they would appeal their case to the highest court, according to the Washington Post.

Critics of the policy say that it has cost nearly 2.5 million migrants the legal right to seek asylum in the US from hardship in their home countries, including violence and natural disaster in Haiti, political repression in Cuba, and desperate economic hardship in Venezuela. Proponents — primarily Republicans, but at times also the Biden administration — have fought attempts to rescind the policy in court successfully up till now, making Title 42 an enduring part of US immigration protocol despite its supposedly contingent and specific application.

The fallout from the end of the policy will likely put a strain on resources like legal representation, courts, and housing that the US is ill-equipped to provide, although the administration’s guidance on ending Title 42 shows an infusion of money and resources into border areas. It also means that the enduring debate over US immigration policy is far from over, with lawmakers yet again at a crossroads in determining how best to revamp the system — an arduous task in a deeply polarized political environment.

The end of Title 42 will strain an already-overburdened system

Department of Homeland Security guidance for ending the policy indicates that the agency has been allocating resources and personnel to the southern border, including staff to process incoming migrants and sheltering facilities to house them. The agency also reported that it has made concerted efforts to speed up the processing time for people to either be released into the US and await their immigration hearings, or be sent back to their country of origin in an attempt to mitigate overcrowding in border communities and facilities.

Despite these efforts, the fact remains that the immigration system is overstretched and inefficient; the average wait time for immigration cases has skyrocketed from around a year in 1998 to around two and a half years in 2021, according to Syracuse University’s TRAC Immigration system. Migrants are held in substandard, unsafe conditions under the Remain in Mexico program, and both nonprofit and government resources designed to assist them after they reach the US are already overwhelmed.

Title 42 “was put in place using dubious public health rationale and has become an overt, de facto national immigration and border security strategy due to its effectiveness at keeping migrants out of the US,” as Vox’s Nicole Narea wrote in May. Republicans are fighting to keep it in place precisely for that reason; more than 2.4 million people have been expelled from the US since the policy was enacted in March 2020.

Political leaders in border states are warning of crisis and chaos when the policy does expire. El Paso Mayor Oscar Leeser, a Democrat, has issued a state of emergency in his city — a key entry point on the southern border — saying at a press conference Saturday, “We know the influx on Wednesday will be incredible. It will be huge.” According to Leeser, “hundreds and hundreds” of people are already sleeping on the street even as temperatures drop; the state of emergency will allow the city to increase shelter capacity as thousands of people are expected to come into the city daily.

Between 9,000 and 14,000 people are expected to cross the southern border each day after Title 42 ends, although numbers fluctuate due to a number of factors including changing migration patterns and multiple border crossings, CNN reported in November. Border crossings are now at around 6,000 to 7,000 each day.

California Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, warned in an interview that the influx would “break” his state’s immigration processing system and that California couldn’t fund the services provided in “a post-42 world.” Newsom called on the federal government to step up funding for immigration services and to address the country’s inadequate immigration system, while also taking aim at Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ sanctuary city stunts from earlier this year. DeSantis and Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, both Republicans, have transported migrants who crossed the southern border from Texas to places like Chicago and Martha’s Vineyard since September.

Title 42 has stymied critical immigration policy change

Title 42, first introduced into law through the 1944 Public Health Service Act, is still in effect, although the CDC assesses the policy in relation to the Covid-19 pandemic every two months, according to former Biden administration migration adviser Tyler Moran. The CDC indicated in April of this year that the policy was no longer necessary to prevent the spread of Covid-19; as Narea pointed out, some public health experts didn’t think it was necessary when then-President Trump enacted it in March 2020.

But public health officials weren’t the ones pushing the policy; the effort was led by Stephen Miller, a former senior adviser to Trump and the chief architect of his immigration policy, which focused on reducing overall immigration levels to the US, at times by deliberately cruel means. Even before the pandemic, Miller had been looking for opportunities to use Title 42 to expel migrants, including when there was a mumps outbreak in immigration detention and flu spread in Border Patrol stations in 2019.

Republicans have been so invested in the policy that not only did they attempt to block its dismantling multiple times, but they also floated extending Title 42 for at least another year as part of a new immigration policy framework. But that proposal is likely off the table for now, as it’s not quite clear what kinds of pathways to legal status and citizenship, as well as resources to fund needed program expansions, Republicans are willing to consider.

Biden could have called for the end of Title 42 enforcement when he first assumed office in January 2021; indeed, he rolled back a number of Trump’s harmful immigration policies his first day in office. But in January of this year, the administration defended the policy in court, saying that the continued expulsion of migrants was necessary for public safety because processing centers at the border were not equipped for isolation and quarantine of infected people.

The legacy of Title 42 will never be the number of lives from saved from Covid-19 because of the policy; that’s impossible to know, and was perhaps never an adequate justification for the policy. Instead, keeping Title 42 around for nearly three years has stalled major changes in immigration law since the number of arrivals was suppressed. It also certainly put human beings in danger, either via unsafe detention in Mexico or deportation to their home countries. But perhaps its most damning legacy will be that it denied potentially millions of people the possibility of requesting asylum and their legal right to seek safety and a new life in the US.

Biden Isn’t Enforcing the Immigration Law Because He Thinks It’s Inherently ‘Inequitable’

Biden Isn’t Enforcing the Immigration Law Because He Thinks It’s Inherently ‘Inequitable’

In a recent post, I explained that Biden isn’t trying and failing to secure the border. Rather, his administration says the border’s secure because it’s as secure as it wants it — meaning not secure at all. That border inaction is similar to the administration’s efforts to waste DHS resources not enforcing the immigration laws generally. Those facts are the “what”. The bigger question is why the White House refuses to enforce the immigration laws it’s sworn to uphold. Based upon administration statements, it’s apparently because the president believes that the laws as written are inequitable.

Background on Biden’s Immigration Non-Enforcement at the Interior. Before I begin, however, I should quantify the administration’s non-enforcement efforts. They began the day Biden was sworn in, when Acting DHS Secretary David Pekoske issued a memo captioned “Review of and Interim Revision to Civil Immigration Enforcement and Removal Policies and Priorities” (the Pekoske memo).

It announced a 100-day review of DHS immigration-enforcement policies, as well as a 100-day hold on nearly all removals from the United States (the latter was blocked by a federal judge and then expired).

Under the guise of “limited resources”, the Pekoske memo narrowed immigration enforcement to three specified “priorities”: spies, terrorists, and other threats to national security; aliens who entered illegally on or after November 1, 2020; and aliens convicted of aggravated felonies under section 101(a)(43) of the INA released from incarceration on or after the date of that memorandum.

By its terms, the Pekoske memo was a placeholder until other immigration enforcement guidelines were issued by DHS. Those appeared four weeks later, on February 18, 2021, when Acting ICE Director Tae Johnson issued a new memo, captioned “Interim Guidance: Civil Immigration Enforcement and Removal Priorities” (the Tae Johnson memo).

The Tae Johnson memo expanded slightly on the class of aliens deemed enforcement priorities in the Pekoske memo. Spies, terrorists, and removable aliens who were not here on October 31 still made the list, but the February 18 guidance also included non-detained aggravated felons and certain gang members, if they “pose[] a risk to public safety”.

On August 19, 2021, U.S. district court Judge Drew Tipton enjoined the restrictions the Pekoske and Tae Johnson memos placed on immigration officers in their enforcement of the immigration laws against criminal aliens in Texas v. U.S. — a suit filed by the states of Texas and Louisiana to force DHS to implement the immigration laws as written.

A month later, a three-judge panel of the Fifth Circuit narrowed Judge Tipton’s injunction. While the full Fifth Circuit thereafter vacated that decision and agreed to rehear the case, new superseding guidance was issued on September 30 by DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas before a hearing could be held, and the matter was returned to Judge Tipton.

That “Mayorkas memo”, formally captioned “Guidelines for the Enforcement of Civil Immigration Law”, refined the two preceding ones by again “prioritizing” the three classes of aliens for enforcement action: spies and terrorists (threats to national security); aliens entering illegally on or after November 1, 2020 (threats to border security); and aliens convicted of “serious criminal conduct” (threats to public safety).

While not as restrictive in its scope as the prior two memos, Mayorkas’ required immigration authorities (primarily but not exclusively ICE officers and attorneys) to consider so-called “aggravating” and “mitigating” factors that “militate” in favor of or against (respectively) the taking of “enforcement action” (investigation, arrest, detention, prosecution, and removal) against facially removable aliens.

Judge Tipton vacated the Mayorkas memo in June, prompting the administration to seek a stay of that order, first from the Fifth Circuit (which denied its request), and then the Supreme Court. The justices also denied the government’s stay request, but agreed to hear the merits of the administration’s appeal directly in December.

In the interim, however, interior enforcement has suffered, as my colleague Jessica Vaughan has explained. Total removals were 70 percent lower in FY 2021 than in FY 2020 (not exactly a banner year due to Covid-19 detention restrictions), and although the administration contends that it prefers to prioritize cases involving the most dangerous aliens, criminal alien removals were off sharply as well.

Border Descends into Chaos as Biden Ditches Deterrence. The Southwest border also began descending into chaos almost immediately after Biden took office. Border Patrol agents set a new yearly record for migrant apprehensions there in FY 2021 (with a sharp uptick beginning after the inauguration), a record they shattered in just the first 10 months of FY 2022.

While the administration blames external forces for the humanitarian disaster at the border, its own policies are largely to blame.

For example, even though the INA requires DHS to detain illegal entrants — from the moment they’re caught to the point they’re granted immigration status or removed — Biden instead released 1.129 million aliens encountered at the border through the end of June. Aliens enter illegally to live and work here, and those releases allowed them to achieve that goal, encouraging more to come.

Prosecuting foreign nationals for entering illegally (a misdemeanor for a first offense and a felony for serial offenders) is a proven deterrent, but Biden has shown no interest in prosecuting aliens for the offense because, as I have explained many times before, deterring illegal entrants is not an administration objective.

It prefers to manage the chaos at the border by moving illegal migrants into the already overwhelmed immigration court system instead. Once in court (assuming they show up), those aliens can extend their illegal stays in the United States indefinitely, most by filing asylum claims. Some will be successful, but if history’s a guide most will not.

Why Won’t Biden Enforce the Laws and Secure the Border? Understand that the administration has a statutory duty to enforce the INA and to secure the border. The legal basis for the plaintiff states’ claims and Judge Tipton’s orders in Texas is that Congress has ordered DHS in the INA to apprehend and remove certain criminal aliens, and that the administration simply refuses to do so.

Similarly, Congress has required the DHS secretary to maintain “operational control” of the border, defined as “the prevention of all unlawful entries into the United States, including entries by terrorists [and] other unlawful aliens”. Mayorkas claims he’s complying with that mandate, but in at least 1.129 million instances, he hasn’t been.

That brings me to the question of why, in the face of these clear congressional directives, Biden refuses to enforce the immigration laws and secure the border.

Some have argued the administration is trying to “replace” the current U.S. population with one more compliant with its other policies. This “replacement theory” has been termed “racist” and “antisemitic” (among other epithets), but Pedro Gonzalez, associate editor at Chronicles: A Magazine of American Culture, explained in May that “Democrats and progressive activists, based on their own rhetoric over the years, [have subscribed] to ‘replacement theory’ more than anyone else”.

That said, however, proponents of this theory overlook the following facts: (1) The United States has always been demographically diverse; (2) today’s illegal migrants won’t be voters for a decade, if ever; (3) it’s hard to move the needle in a federal republic with a population of 333 million; and (4) immigrants aren’t reliably monolithic in their voting patterns.

The best proof for this last point is Ruy Teixeira, co-author of “The Emerging Democratic Majority”, cited by Gonzalez in his op-ed. Teixeira just left the liberal Center for American Progress for the conservative American Enterprise Institute, in part due to “the relentless focus on race, gender, and identity in historically liberal foundations and think tanks”.

More precisely, however, Teixeira has spent months warning Democrats that Hispanic voters are not as wedded to the party’s current policies (including its immigration stance) as the party thinks. Look no further than the recent special election of Republican Mayra Flores, an immigrant from Mexico who won espousing border security in heavily Hispanic south Texas.

The real answer, in my opinion, is much simpler. The Biden administration believes that the immigration laws as written are inequitable and thus require a heavy thumb on the scale to balance out this inherent inequity.

Note that one of the first documents Biden issued as president was Executive Order (EO) 13985, “On Advancing Racial Equity and Support for Underserved Communities Through the Federal Government”.

It sets out a policy of pursuing “a comprehensive approach to advancing equity for all, including people of color and others who have been historically underserved, marginalized, and adversely affected by persistent poverty and inequality”, defining “equity” as:

[T]he consistent and systematic fair, just, and impartial treatment of all individuals, including individuals who belong to underserved communities that have been denied such treatment, such as Black, Latino, and Indigenous and Native American persons, Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders and other persons of color; members of religious minorities; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) persons; persons with disabilities; persons who live in rural areas; and persons otherwise adversely affected by persistent poverty or inequality.

EO 13985 never mentions the words “immigrant”, “alien”, “migrant”, or even Biden’s favored term, “noncitizen”, and it would be reasonable to assume that it’s only meant to apply to “Americans” (that is, citizens and legal immigrants). Reasonable, but wrong, as a “Considerations” memo issued at the same time as and implementing the Mayorkas memo reveals.

The legal justification for the restrictions in the Mayorkas memo is that notwithstanding the mandatory enforcement language in the INA, the department and its officials have absolute authority to exercise “prosecutorial discretion” to not enforce the immigration laws.

That is a questionable proposition, certainly in extremis or when it becomes a blanket amnesty (which in this context, it sort of has), but the Considerations memo attempts to justify it, citing to EO 13985:

On his first day in office, President Biden affirmed that “advancing equity, civil rights, racial justice, and equal opportunity is the responsibility of the whole of our Government.” In the immigration enforcement context, scholars and professors have observed that prosecutorial discretion guidelines are essential to advancing this Administration’s stated commitment to “advancing equity for all, including people of color and others who have been historically underserved, marginalized, and adversely affected by persistent poverty and inequality.” [Footnotes omitted.]

Not surprisingly, that memo never lists the “scholars and professors” who have reached this extremely questionable conclusion, but even if it did, that would be a poor reliance on authority. It would be better to rely on the line officers who do the work instead of those reclining cosseted by tenure in academia, but I’m not calling the shots at the White House.

More importantly, however, this construct elides the crucial distinction between how our laws apply to Americans and to foreign nationals. That distinction is not just one of fact and logic (and equity under the administration’s definition), but it’s in the law itself. For example, the Supreme Court held in 1889:

That the government of the United States, through the action of the legislative department, can exclude aliens from its territory is a proposition which we do not think open to controversy. Jurisdiction over its own territory to that extent is an incident of every independent nation. It is a part of its independence. If it could not exclude aliens it would be to that extent subject to the control of another power.

And with respect to Congress’ authority to set the immigration rules, the Court explained in 1954:

Policies pertaining to the entry of aliens and their right to remain here are peculiarly concerned with the political conduct of government. In the enforcement of these policies, the Executive Branch of the Government must respect the procedural safeguards of due process. But that the formulation of these policies is entrusted exclusively to Congress has become about as firmly imbedded in the legislative and judicial tissues of our body politic as any aspect of our government.

Fact, law, and logic notwithstanding, however, the Biden administration has plainly determined that the immigration laws as written are inequitable, and therefore can and must be dispensed with as equity requires.

In the context of the Mayorkas memo, that means requiring ICE officers and lawyers to consider how “enforcement action” will affect the alien and the alien’s family, not just the United States. At the border, it means providing migrants with “safe, orderly, and legal pathways … to be able to access our legal system” above and beyond what Congress has mandated, even if that means DHS cannot achieve operational control.

The Whether. That brings me to the “whether”, specifically whether the administration will be allowed to continue to ignore Congress’ clear directives.

It’s possible and even likely that the Supreme Court in Texas will dismiss the administration’s appeal in whole or part. The provisions of the INA cited by Judge Tipton don’t give DHS much wiggle room to not detain and remove criminal aliens, regardless of what the executive branch thinks of the law.

Further, in denying the government’s request for a stay in Texas, the Fifth Circuit concluded that the administration’s “replacement” of the INA’s statutory mandates “with concerns of equity and race” in the Considerations memo “is extralegal, considering that such policy concerns are plainly outside the bounds of the power conferred by the INA”.

That said, no court — not even the nation’s highest one — can force DHS to arrest, detain, prosecute, or remove any given alien.

The penultimate decision as to whether Biden will be allowed to ignore the clear mandates in the INA in the name of “equity” will be made by the voters in the November mid-term elections. The next, 118th, Congress can use the “power of the purse” to squeeze more enforcement from the president, assuming it wants to.

The ultimate decision, however, will be made by the voters in November 2024, when Biden is up for reelection (assuming he runs again). Whether they believe as the president does that the immigration laws are inherently inequitable will be on the ballot, whether the electorate knows it or not.